Hi, and welcome to this week’s edition of News for Normies, which includes an update on Iran and the Democratic Socialists of America.
If you’re new here, this is what you’ll find in News for Normies, the serious part of this otherwise-lighthearted space.
News for Normies comes every Monday and is a post on three important news stories, served up with context, insight, and some things to follow in the coming week.
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So if you want to know what’s happening in the world but don’t have the time to monitor the headlines, you’re in the right place.
Head to Substack for a third story: Drug deaths are down, but why?
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This weekend, American and Iranian negotiators sat across from each other at a luxury resort overlooking Lake Lucerne in Switzerland, trying to prevent a war from reigniting while also trying to figure out what peace actually looks like.
Vice President JD Vance arrived in Switzerland early Sunday to lead the U.S. delegation. Iran’s team, led by Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, was already there. Pakistan and Qatar are mediating.
The first round of four-party talks lasted about 80 minutes and focused entirely on Lebanon—not Iran’s nuclear program, which is the bigger issue and was set aside for later.
Vance called the talks “historic” and said the U.S. had already made “great progress.” Here’s the catch: Iran’s foreign minister was in the room when Vance spoke to reporters, but refused to stand beside him for a photo or join his statement.
According to Axios, Iranian state media reported that Iran rejected a U.S. request for a joint photo-op and public handshake. That small detail says a lot about where things actually stand.
Let’s back up. How did we get here?
On February 28, the US and Israel launched massive joint strikes targeting Iranian military, government, and infrastructure sites—the start of a three-month war. The conflict effectively shut down the Strait of Hormuz—the narrow waterway through which roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil flowed before the war—sending energy prices soaring and rattling global markets.
After months of fighting and a failed round of talks in Islamabad in April, the U.S. and Iran signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) last week. It’s a preliminary agreement that establishes a 60-day ceasefire, setting the stage for negotiations toward a final deal.
The MOU’s key terms? The U.S. ends its naval blockade of Iranian ports; Iran lets shipping flow freely through the Strait of Hormuz; both sides commit to a permanent end to military operations “on all fronts, including Lebanon”; and the U.S. and regional partners commit to developing a $300 billion reconstruction fund for Iran (though Trump later said the U.S. government itself would not contribute to it).
Lebanon is the wild card in these negotiations. The U.S. and Israel are aligned allies in this conflict, just as Iran and Hezbollah (the Iran-backed militant group operating in Lebanon) are aligned. But neither Israel nor Hezbollah signed the MOU, meaning they’re not technically bound by its terms.
So while the U.S. and Iran are talking in Switzerland, their respective allies are still fighting in Lebanon, and every flare-up threatens to blow the whole thing up. The U.S. government designates Hezbollah as a foreign terrorist organization.
On Friday, a new Lebanon ceasefire was announced. Within hours it broke down, after Hezbollah killed five Israeli soldiers killed and Israel responded by hitting over 300 targets in Lebanon in retaliation.
By Sunday, fighting in Lebanon appeared to ease after Israel directed its military to restrict itself to defensive actions, but Israel’s defense minister made clear there is “no restriction on IDF soldiers to act to eliminate threats.”
Even as Vance was calling the talks “historic” in Switzerland, Trump posted on Truth Social: “Iran must immediately stop their highly paid PROXIES in Lebanon from causing trouble. If they don’t, we’ll hit Iran very hard again, just like we did last week, only harder!!!”
The nuclear issue—the biggest question of the entire conflict—wasn’t even on the table in Sunday’s first session. Sunday’s talks focused on the Lebanon ceasefire, Iran’s ability to sell oil under U.S. sanctions waivers, and Iran’s frozen funds. The U.S. would like this round to end with Iran inviting UN inspectors back into its nuclear sites. (The last visit was June 2025.) In exchange, the U.S. is prepared to give Iran access to $6 billion in frozen funds held in Qatar for humanitarian purchases.
On the nuclear question, the U.S. is demanding Iran suspend all uranium enrichment for at least 20 years. Iran has countered with approximately 10 years. Iran’s President Pezeshkian said Sunday that Iran will “never back down” from its right to enrich uranium and that the U.S. “will ultimately have to accept this.” Vance responded that “the Obama deal allowed the Iranians to enrich uranium. This deal will not.”
Israel is not at the table and not bound by this deal. Netanyahu said Sunday that “whatever the diplomatic developments may be, I will not allow Iran to arm itself with nuclear weapons,” and vowed to keep Israeli forces in southern Lebanon “for as long as it takes.”
In roughly 60 days, when the negotiating window closes, Israel faces a national election, giving Netanyahu powerful domestic incentives to keep up military pressure regardless of what the U.S. and Iran agree to. Iran’s new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, meanwhile, said he was originally opposed to the deal and only relented after receiving guarantees that Iran’s Middle East allies would be protected.
Back home, the deal is dividing Trump’s own party. Republican hawks are calling it a giveaway:
Trump allies counter that the military campaign crippled Iran’s ability to project power and brought the regime to the table without a large-scale deployment of American ground troops — and that critics are defining victory too narrowly. Senator Lindsey Graham added that if diplomacy fails entirely, Trump will “take the Strait of Hormuz over by force.”
The Republican response: The deal is already fracturing Trump’s own coalition. Watch what congressional Republicans continue to say.
Whether talks continue: The first session lasted 80 minutes and then broke. It was not immediately clear whether the two sides would return to the table Sunday. By the time you read this, the situation may have changed.
The Strait of Hormuz: Iran says it’s closed; the U.S. says it’s open; shipping website Lloyd’s List says traffic is limited. Oil prices are the fastest real-time indicator of what’s actually happening.
UN inspectors and the $6 billion: Whether Iran invites inspectors back and whether the U.S. releases frozen funds is another near-term test of whether this round produces anything concrete.
Lebanon/Hezbollah: Every Hezbollah rocket and Israeli airstrike is a potential deal-killer. Watch whether Sunday’s relative calm holds into the week.
The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) just had their biggest year ever. And they’re not done.
Last year, Zohran Mamdani—a card-carrying DSA member and former New York State assemblyman—won the New York City mayoral race in what most people considered an upset.
Now the DSA is trying to turn that momentum into something bigger: a national political force. This month, DSA-backed candidates are running for Congress and state legislature seats across New York City, with primaries on June 23rd. If they win, the number of self-identified socialists in the US House of Representatives could double from two to four.
That’s a small number. But it’s the direction of travel that has people paying attention.
The Democratic Socialists of America is the largest socialist organization in the United States, with membership that has grown from roughly 6,000 in 2015 to more than 100,000 today. Their platform calls for an economy run democratically in the interest of workers rather than corporations. Think universal healthcare, free public college, stronger unions, and public ownership of major industries.
On the political spectrum, they sit well to the left of the mainstream Democratic Party. The DSA’s platform calls for replacing the current constitutional structure with a single federal legislature and placing the largest corporations under public ownership and democratic control. DSA members vary widely in how far they want to take these ideas.
The Democratic Socialists of America’s membership has grown in three waves, according to In These Times. First, after Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign introduced democratic socialism to a mass audience. Second, after Trump’s election and the Women’s March. And third, after Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s 2018 primary upset.
Mamdani’s 2025 mayoral win triggered yet another surge. Since the DSA endorsed Mamdani in October 2024, the NYC chapter’s membership has more than doubled, from 5,900 to 14,000. Since Mamdani’s endorsements, the group has been adding roughly 1,000 volunteers a week, according to the DSA’s NYC co-chair.
It’s hard to say exactly, but we can see the trends, and that is white and educated. For example, the congressional district where Claire Valdez is running has shifted significantly over the past decade. According to a New York Times analysis, the white population there grew from 30 percent in 2014 to 40 percent in 2024, while Hispanic and Asian populations saw substantial declines. Nearly half the district’s population now has at least a bachelor’s degree, placing it among the top six most educated districts in New York State, up from the middle of the pack a decade ago.
Critics of DSA candidates have seized on those demographics. Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso said at a June 8th candidate forum that he didn’t feel comfortable “meeting regularly with a population that is not representative of the entire district,” claiming the DSA’s base was “mostly white male.”
Outside New York, DSA-backed candidates are running for mayor in several cities across the country. It’s unclear whether voters are gravitating toward the DSA’s economic vision, their anti-Trump stance, or simply their promise of better government services.
Let’s take a look at both options here. First, the case for the Democratic Socialists of America representing a real trend in politics. A few things support this belief: The party has been building for a decade; Mamdani’s win was broad and diverse; membership is growing nationally; and DSA-aligned candidates are advancing in mayoral races from coast to coast.
Sociologist Fabian Holt argues the group is more of a movement than a political party, adding that it’s not a left-leaning phenomenon either—the Tea Party, which paved the way for Donald Trump’s win in 2016 is cited as a right-leaning example.
Now, the case for the Democratic Socialists of America’s popularity being more of a fluke. The DSA has seen momentum in the past and fumbled it. After winning five state legislative seats in New York in 2020, the organization failed to capitalize on that momentum in 2022, losing several races it had expected to win. Whether 2026 breaks that pattern is the question.
Then there’s the question of its staying power due to the dichotomy between members’ stated beliefs and the lives they actually live: A 2021 survey found that 28% of self-identified DSA’ers made more than $100,000 a year, 56% have white-collar jobs; and are majority white.
This depends heavily on which DSA policies you’re talking about and how far they’d actually get. The DSA’s own platform calls for guaranteed basic needs and public ownership of the largest corporations, arguing this would benefit working people over the capitalist class.
Critics point to a substantial body of economic research on one of the left’s preferred housing tools—rent control. A Stanford economist’s analysis of San Francisco’s rent control expansion, published via the Brookings Institution, found that while existing tenants benefited in the short run, the policy led to a 15 percentage point decline in rental housing supply over the long run—ultimately fueling gentrification rather than preventing it.
Supporters of the DSA’s broader platform argue that public ownership of housing and corporations, not rent control alone, is the actual solution they’re proposing. Because DSA candidates run at every level of government—from city council and state legislature to Congress—the reach of these policies would depend entirely on which offices they win, and what those offices actually control.
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